Priorities include promoting social studies education, protecting family farms

by Sarah Breitenbach, Staff Writer, Gazette.Net, posted on Friday, January 27, 2012

ANNAPOLIS — Republican and Democratic senators gathered Thursday morning to prove that they can at least agree on some things.

Members of both parties told reporters that they would back bills to reinforce social studies education, exempt family farms from state estate taxes, protect children from identity theft, create an income tax credit for workers unable to afford the cost of obtaining a security clearance and extend the availability of a scholarship for veterans of the Afghanistan and Iraq wars.

While none of the measures announced at the first-time event are particularly controversial, Senate President Thomas V. Mike Miller Jr. said lawmakers wanted to show that they could accomplish common goals.

The House of Delegates does not have a similar event planned, but several delegates have agreed to sponsor the bills addressed by the senators, said Alexandra Hughes, a spokeswoman for House Speaker Michael E. Busch (D-Dist. 30) of Annapolis.

“We’re coming together as best we can,” Miller (D-Dist. 27) of Chesapeake Beach said. “We’re not going to be able to agree on everything, but things we can agree upon, we’re going to bring forward and pass and hope to solve some of our problems in our state, especially in terms of creating jobs, providing education and balancing the budget.”

The event probably doesn’t mean much politically, said Donald F.Norris, chairman of the Department of Public Policy at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County and director for the Maryland Institute for Policy Analysis and Research.

“Maybe they, on the face of it, just want to look good,” Norris said. “The reality is on all substantive issues, the parties are miles apart.”

Lawmakers from both parties spoke about the need to focus education curriculum on social studies and civics.

Motivated by the elimination of a standardized high school government test by the state Department of Education last year, the legislation would require public school systems be held accountable for educating students in social studies, lawmakers said.

Miller acknowledged that returning the test, which was a graduation requirement, to classrooms was unlikely, but the bill would require some kind of assessment at the elementary, middle and high school levels.

“(The bill) encourages folks to know about their government, and as much as I think it’s important for science and language and reading and math, if you don’t understand how your government works, if you don’t understand the rights that you have as citizens, it’s really hard to have a free republic,” said Sen. Allan H. Kittleman (R-Dist. 9) of West Friendship.

Senators and potential congressional rivals Robert J. Garagiola (D-Dist. 15) of Germantown and David R. Brinkley (R-Dist. 4) of New Market both spoke to reporters about eliminating estate taxes for people who inherit family farms.

They said their districts struggle with the issue because for many landowners, selling land to developers is more cost effective than paying estate taxes to keep farming.

The legislation, which was sponsored by Sen. Ronald N. Young (D-Dist. 3) of Frederick and Del. Kathryn L. Afzali (R-Dist. 4A) of Middletown last year before being shelved in the committee process, would eliminate taxes on family farms that are inherited and worth less than $5 million, as long as descendants agreed to maintain the land for agricultural use.

Taxes on properties worth more will be reduced from 16 percent to 5 percent, lawmakers said.

Afzali already has introduced a version of the bill in the House of Delegates, and Gov. Martin O’Malley (D) planned to include a similar bill as part of his legislative package.

“The best farm preservation program we can have is anything that enables the farm to be profitable,” Brinkley said. “Some of the returns are risky at best and sometimes then even marginal, but it’s a lifestyle choice and anything we can do to enable the orderly transition of the family farm to later generations is going to improve farming.”

Lawmakers also are planning to pass a bill that would allow parents to create a credit report for their child to prevent the opening of fraudulent accounts with the child’s information and to safeguard against the theft of a minor’s identity or Social Security number.

Del. Craig J. Zucker (D-Dist. 14) of Brookeville, who spoke on behalf of 30 House colleagues who have co-sponsored the bill, said 140,000 children become victims of identity theft annually.

“This is an opportunity for us to let our children in the state of Maryland start with a clean slate to ensure they have every shot of being successful,” Zucker said.

Two other pieces of legislation discussed Thursday would create an income tax credit worth up to $3,000 to offset the cost of security clearances for people who are qualified for work with federal contractors and extend a scholarship program for Iraq and Afghanistan veterans and their families, which was scheduled to expire in June.

sbreitenbach@gazette.net

http://www.gazette.net/article/20120127/NEWS/701279596/1124/senators-come-together-around-handful-of-bipartisan-bills&template=gazette

Ulman continues to build war chest for next move

By Yvonne Wenger, The Baltimore Sun

11:28 a.m. EST, January 20, 2012

The race to become Howard County‘s next executive is shaping up, with potential candidates stashing money in the bank for the chance to replace term-limited Ken Ulman, who is considering a run for higher office.

Campaign finance reports, released this week, show potential contenders gearing up ahead of the 2014 election, including Del. Guy Guzzone and Howard County Councilwoman Courtney Watson, who are Democrats, and Republican Sen. Allan Kittleman.

Guzzone said he banked roughly $92,000 in 2011 and has a balance of about $192,000.

Watson, of Ellicott City, raised the most of the possible county executive candidates in the past 12 months, with $165,700. She has $171,700 on hand.

Kittleman raised nearly $79,000 and has about $62,800 in cash.

Donald F. Norris, a Howard County resident and chairman of the department of public policy at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County, said the size of a contender’s bank account is not necessarily an indication of his or her electability.

But the campaign season will be in full swing in two years, Norris said, and viable candidates should begin fundraising soon.

The three potential candidates for executive, as well as Ulman, said they are focused on their current jobs and have made no decisions about their next political move.

Ulman is among a handful of Democrats considering a campaign to replace Gov. Martin O’Malley, who cannot run again because of term limits. Ulman raised more than $1 million in the past year and has $1.3 million in his treasury.

Nearly 40 percent of his cash was raised in Howard County, Ulman said. Overall, 38 percent came from businesses and 57 percent from individuals, he said. Nearly 5 percent came donations from political action committees.

Ulman said many of his supporters want him to spread the successes in Howard County, such as the state’s lowest unemployment rate, safe communities and strong schools, to the region and state.

The county’s leaders have made strategic decisions about land development, invested in public schools and created vibrant libraries and parks, he said. That translates into well-educated residents who have good jobs, Ulman said.

“That doesn’t happen by accident,” he said.

Watson said a run for executive is still just a consideration. Still, she said, her current fundraising record is consistent with her political start as a grass-roots activist: 73 percent of her contributions were for $250 or less.

During the next three years and beyond, Watson said, her goal will be to make Howard a friendly place to do business and a place where residents can count on strong schools and reliable roads.

“We’re talking about not next year, but the next 20 years,” she said.

Guzzone, chairman of the Howard County delegation to the General Assembly, said he has a long history of working on behalf of county residents. He doesn’t expect to decide for at least a year whether to run for county executive. His report was not immediately available on the state campaign finance website; he provided his totals in an interview.

He said he stands on his record in the county, where, he said, the quality of life is second to none.

“I have been directly involved in helping to create an atmosphere in Howard County for well over a decade, several decades,” he said.

Kittleman said he hasn’t decided whether he will seek re-election to the state Senate, retire after nearly a quarter-century in public service or run for county executive. The new map for his district, part of the state’s once-a-decade legislative redistricting process, could give Kittleman a harder road toward re-election.

He has less than half of what his potential Democratic rivals for county executive have in the bank, but Kittleman also noted that as state legislators, he and Guzzone are barred from raising campaign cash during the 90 days the General Assembly is in session.

Kittleman said Howard benefits when its political leaders have diverse philosophical viewpoints.

“My vision is for Howard County to be an innovative place,” he said. “I think we could be more business-friendly and have more economic freedom.”

ywenger@baltsun.com

twitter.com/yvonnewenger

Money in the bank

Potential 2014 contenders for Howard County executive reveal their finances in annual campaign disclosure reports.

Here’s a look at their cash in the bank:

•Del. Guy Guzzone: $192,000

•Howard County Councilwoman Courtney Watson: $171,700

•Sen. Allan Kittleman: $62,800

http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/maryland/howard/bs-ho-campaign-finance-20120120,0,6950334,full.story

State senator wants ‘people who are a little more apolitical’

By Jon Meoli, jmeoli@tribune.com, The Baltimore Sun

January 19, 2012 | 6:37 p.m.

State Sen. Jim Brochin introduced legislation in Annapolis on Thursday that he says would reform Maryland’s legislative and Congressional redistricting processes by making them less partisan and more objective.

“Politicians shouldn’t be making legislative redistricting maps,” said Brochin, a Democrat from Towson who represents the 42nd District. “They just shouldn’t.”

Brochin said the state’s redistricting process, conducted every 10 years to reflect changes in the U.S. Census, has, “become such a grotesquely partisan exercise that it just would make more sense if people who make maps for a living, and people who are a little more apolitical, did this.”

Senate Bill 160, one of three bills in the package introduced Jan. 19, calls for creation of a new eight-member redistricting commission, which would be directed by the executive director of the non-partisan Department of Legislative Services.

Four of the appointees would come from the governor, while the Senate president and speaker of the House of Delegates would each appoint two. Brochin said he’s planning an amendment that would provide for minority party representation.

“It has different appointees from each branch of government, ideally,” Brochin said. “Maybe you get a little more diversity.”

The committee under Brochin’s proposal would vary from the current redistricting process, for which a five-member commission was appointed by the governor to make recommendations for his redistricting plan.

Brochin’s second bill — Senate Bill 161 — deals with the criteria that can be used for drawing new district lines.

It would prohibit districts being “drawn for the purpose of favoring a political party, incumbent legislator or member of Congress … or for the purpose of augmenting or diluting the voting strength of a language or racial minority group,” according to the bill’s text.

Brochin said the bill stipulates that an elected official’s address, party demographic data, and previous election results cannot be used to draw district lines.

In the current redistricting process, the map proposed by Gov. Martin O’Malleywould change the 42nd District — where Brochin currently serves — from one that consists mainly of Towson to one that stretches up to the Pennsylvania border and includes northern Baltimore County, which is heavily Republican.

Additionally, the new map also puts four sitting Republican delegates — Susan Aumann and Bill Frank of District 42, Wade Kach of District 5B and Joe Boteler of District 8 — into a northern sub-district, District 42B, where they will have to run against one another for two seats if they chose to run in 2014.

Brochin said that part of his goal in the legislation would be to curb some of the types of moves seen in this year’s process.

“There are things in place in this law that make the process much different,” he said.

Among other provisions are stipulations that a person may not be appointed to the commission if they hold an elected or appointed office in the executive or legislative branch, or if they hold a political party office; and a provision that public meetings on the maps would have to be publicized seven to 10 days before the hearing date.

In December 2011, the Governor’s Redistricting Advisory Committee submitted its recommended legislative redistricting map on Dec. 16, and the public hearing was held Dec. 22 in Annapolis.

A third bill — Senate Bill 162 — would provide similar provisions for Congressional redistricting, which Brochin described as being “worse than the legislative one.”

“Tell me what western Maryland has in common with Montgomery County?” Brochin said, specifically in reference to the proposal for the 6th Congressional District, which would stretch from Montgomery County to Garrett County. “It takes away from the representation of western Maryland.”

All three of Brochin’s bills are being co-sponsored by 37th District Republican Richard Colburn, who represents Caroline, Dorchester and Talbot counties, and Allan Kittleman, a Republican from the 9th District in Howard and Carroll counties. Democrat Jamie Raskin of the 20th District, Montgomery County, is co-sponsoring SB 160, which deals primarily with the commission.

Brochin introduced the same package in 2006, but said he couldn’t even get it to a vote. This time around, he’s hopeful that it will gain more support.

“If you want to put this in a nutshell, we have a system right now where politicians are choosing their voters,” Brochin said. “We need a system where voters are choosing their politicians.”

http://www.baltimoresun.com/explore/baltimorecounty/news/ph-tt-redistrict-bill-0125-20120119,0,890840.story

Hoping to level the playing field

By ALLISON BOURG, Staff Writer, The Capital

Published 01/16/12

When Anne Arundel County officials award bids to contractors, they don’t consider whether those businesses are affiliated with unions.

And if the Anne Arundel County Council passes a bill pushed by councilmen Jerry Walker and Derek Fink, they never will.

The legislation, scheduled for a public hearing tomorrow, would prohibit government-mandated project labor agreements in the county.

Such agreements usually require contractors to negotiate a pre-hire collective bargaining agreement with one or more unions, establishing employment conditions for a particular project. Opponents of such agreements complain that they exclude nonunion companies, particularly small businesses.

Critics also say the agreements drive up project costs by eliminating competition.

Walker, a Gambrills Republican, said that’s one of the reasons he introduced the bill. Walker said his goal was to pre-empt any project labor agreements before they crop up in Anne Arundel.

“There hasn’t been any, and my hope is that there won’t be any going forward,” he said.

Mandatory labor agreements also may increase costs by requiring contractors to pay dues and other union-related expenses, in addition to the salaries and benefits of nonunion employees, the councilman said. It gives an unfair advantage to unions, he said.

Co-sponsor Fink, a Pasadena Republican, said the legislation would level the playing field among contractors and give business owners the freedom to hire whom they want without bringing unions into the equation.

“Obviously, we’re going to go with the lowest bidder,” Fink said. “I think it’s the right thing to do.”

Bill Schull, the county’s purchasing agent, said he was initially surprised by the bill.

“This isn’t typically seen at the local level,” Schull said.

In 2009, President Barack Obama issued an executive order encouraging federal agencies to require project labor agreements on federal and federally funded construction projects in excess of $25 million.

And last year, Sen. Allen Kittleman, a Republican who represents parts of Howard and Carroll counties, introduced legislation that would have prohibited project labor agreements in state contracts. But the bill didn’t make it out of committee.

The issue also is gathering steam in Virginia. Two delegates there have filed a bill that would prohibit state agencies and agencies that receive state funding from requiring union agreements.

Schull said Maryland is already a prevailing wage state, meaning construction workers such as carpenters, plumbers and other laborers must receive the appropriate hourly wage and benefits as determined by the state Department of Labor, Licensing and Regulation.

“We don’t anticipate any negative impacts in any way,” Schull said of the legislation. “It’s going to be interesting to see how it works. It’s a new twist, if you will.”

Walker said if the bill passes, he would like to see other counties follow suit.

The council may vote on the bill at the council meeting, to be held at 7 p.m. tomorrow at the Arundel Center, 44 Calvert St. in Annapolis.

http://www.hometownannapolis.com/news/gov/2012/01/16-17/How-county-awards-bids-to-contractors-before-council.html

Submitted by Log Cabin Republicans on Jan 12, 2012

WASHINGTON — Log Cabin Republicans statement on remarks by Maryland State Senate President Mike Miller calling marriage equality ‘an attack on families.’

“Democrat Maryland Senate President Mike Miller is trying to divert attention away from his anti-gay pandering by hiding behind certain conservative candidates, but the truth is he is badly out of step with Marylanders, including Republican State Senator Allan Kittleman, who voted in favor of marriage equality last year and continues to be a champion on this issue,” said R. Clarke Cooper, Executive Director of Log Cabin Republicans. “Between this and his attack on a transgender rights bill last session as also being ‘anti-family,’ it appears that Senator Miller has taken it upon himself to be the arbiter of what Maryland families deserve protecting. It is particularly frustrating to watch certain advocacy organizations, such as National Stonewall Democrats, let him get away with it again because of his partisan affiliation. Miller’s disrespect for LGBT Maryland families is backwards, and everyone should hold him accountable for it.”

http://www.opposingviews.com/i/society/gay-issues/maryland-even-democrats-attacking-gay-families

A year after a same-sex marriage bill died in the state legislature, advocates try again.

By Justin Snow, January 2012 issue of the Baltimore Magazine

Last year, when state legislators tried to make Maryland the sixth state to legalize gay marriage, their once rock-solid coalition fell apart one Sunday at a time.

“We found Mondays to be bad days for our vote count,” says Delegate Heather Mizeur of Montgomery County, one of a handful of openly gay legislators. “Each passing Sunday, many local pastors spent entire services devoted to preaching against marriage equality and any politician willing to support it, and, each week, we’d get a couple people who lost their courage.”

In the end, reservations from religious communities derailed passage of the Civil Marriage Protection Act in 2011. But gay-marriage advocates are gearing up for another push in the 2012 legislative session—and this time, they say, they have a revised game plan to make sure it passes.

Of course, last year, all the stars seemed aligned as well. For years, polls had shown a shift in attitudes about the issue nationally, as the public grew more comfortable with the idea of gay people getting married. Locally, Democrats had gained two seats in the state Senate, and some major committee assignments had been reshuffled, with same-sex marriage supporters getting key appointments. Change seemed to be on their side.

The Civil Marriage Protection Act was proposed to repeal the 38-year-old law limiting marriage to male-female relationships. It passed the Senate in two days. Republican Allan H. Kittleman of Howard County made headlines when he broke with his party to vote in favor of the bill and later resigned as minority leader for fear he was not adequately representing the views of his party. With a 25-21 vote, it moved to what is typically the more liberal of the two chambers, the House of Delegates.

But support began to fracture in the House. The first visible sign of trouble came when the bill was before the Judiciary Committee. Two Democratic delegates on the committee who had vowed to vote in favor of the bill staged what The Baltimore Sun described as a “walkout,” effectively leaving the legislation stranded in committee until certain demands were met.

One of those delegates, Jill Carter of Baltimore City, said that other issues were far more pertinent to Marylanders, including education funding in Baltimore City and Prince George’s County, where budget cuts were expected to be severe. “I’m trying to leverage the vote to get something for my constituents,” she was quoted as saying.

Jill Carter eventually reaffirmed her support for the bill, but believes the issue was pushed too swiftly. She says she was used as a scapegoat by some in Annapolis.

“It was easier to let me be a scapegoat than to take responsibility for their own failings as leaders,” Carter says, citing Governor Martin O’Malley’s and Speaker Michael Busch’s limited roles in promoting the bill last session. She claims the story that she walked out—first reported by The Sun— was inaccurate, but she stands by her statements about priorities. “The majority of my constituents are concerned with education first,” Carter says. “I thought it was a good opportunity to raise other issues.”

Soon after Carter’s waffle, other delegates who had vowed their support jumped ship, particularly those representing religious African-American communities in areas like Prince George’s County and Baltimore City.

Delegate Tiffany Alston, a first-term Democrat from Prince George’s County and the other delegate who reportedly walked out of the committee hearing with Carter, eventually voted against the bill she cosponsored, citing negative reaction from her constituents. (Alston’s future in Annapolis seems uncertain at this point: In September, she was indicted on felony charges for allegedly stealing campaign funds. She denies wrongdoing, but it is hard not to see the irony: She has been accused of using the stolen funds to pay for, among other things, her own wedding.)

Democrat Melvin Stukes of Baltimore City also withdrew his support, claiming he thought the bill would only allow civil unions. But as The Sun reported at the time, his change of heart came not long after Lenny Clay, a community leader and longtime Baltimore barbershop owner, called Stukes and told him he should burn his Bible if he decided to support the bill. The Maryland Democratic Party, which often votes as a unified force, became divided along religious lines.

Eventually, it became clear the votes simply weren’t there. Rather than hold a vote, House leaders moved to withdraw the bill, sending it back to committee and allowing delegates more time to think about the issue. At the time, Democratic leaders speculated they were only one or two votes shy of those necessary to send it to the governor’s desk, where it would have been signed into law. One year later, supporters say, it will be.

Carrie Evans, who was recently named Executive director of Equality Maryland—the leading gay-rights organization in the state and the bill’s primary backer—says she wasn’t completely surprised that the Civil Marriage Protection Act failed in 2011.

“When you start seeing our great allies like Jill Carter doing stuff like that, something’s going on,” she says. “That’s the little piece of light some people are going to see to be able to rip it open and back away from this.”

Last April, after the legislation failed to pass, Equality Maryland was looking for a new direction. After a series of staff changes, they hired Evans, who had served as the group’s director of policy and planning from 2007 to 2009, to lead them. Trained as a sociologist, as well as an attorney and a veteran of social justice causes, she left in 2009 to take what office manager Kim Miller calls her “sabbatical.”

“Social justice can take a lot out of you,” Evans says. “It was time for me to go and rest.”

But now, Evans says, her resting period is over. She left her job as a policy analyst for Baltimore City’s Housing Department, although she does still plan to teach a class this spring on women in law at University of Maryland, Baltimore County. At 41 years of age, the issue of marriage equality strikes close to home for Evans. She and her wife, Pam, have been together for 13 years and were married in Canada in 2009. She says she is ready to lead an organization poised to make history in the Free State. “Everyone is watching,” Evans says.

When the General Assembly convenes for the 90-day session on January 11, several key factors will have changed since last year. The same-sex marriage bill that will be presented is similar in many respects, but it provides further protections to prevent churches from being forced to perform gay weddings. Also, there will be fewer new legislators, who are likely to balk at the first sign of acrimony.

Moreover, supporters and opponents alike have had a year to organize and strategize. Equality Maryland, which went into this fight largely alone last session, has become part of a broader coalition that includes such organizations as the NAACP, Catholics for Equality, and the Human Rights Campaign. The Marylanders for Marriage Equality coalition has already churned out several ads featuring, among others, former NAACP chairman Julian Bond, Ravens linebacker Brendon Ayanbadejo, and the actress Mo’Nique, in an apparent attempt to target the African-American community.

Supporters of the bill have also gained a vocal ally in Governor O’Malley. During last year’s debate, O’Malley, who is Catholic, kept a low profile, stating simply that he would sign a bill if it came to his desk. But after the successful passage of gay-marriage legislation in New York with the backing of Governor Andrew Cuomo, O’Malley changed his strategy. In July, he announced that gay-marriage legislation would have the full backing of the governor’s office and he would lend his name as a sponsor. “Marylanders of all walks of life want their children to live in a loving, stable, committed home protected under the law,” he said at a press conference.

Gay-marriage advocates have powerful forces on their side and have been waging grassroots campaigns in key districts for months. But they also face the very real prospect of any legislative victory being petitioned for referendum. Opponents would need only a little more than 55,000 signatures to put the law on the 2012 ballot, and groups like the National Organization for Marriage have vowed to lend their resources, much as they did in California. A referendum would result in a massive election campaign, costing both sides millions of dollars. But it is an outcome many are preparing for. Evans says Equality Maryland’s campaign plan has been in the works for months. Even a victory in the legislature for gay marriage may not mean ultimate victory.

While gay-marriage supporters have been feverishly preparing to push the bill through, opponents have been preparing to stop it.

One of the loudest voices of opposition is Delegate Don Dwyer, a Republican from Anne Arundel County who serves on the Judiciary Committee with Carter and Alston. Dwyer has fought against gay marriage most of his political life. Having served in the House for nearly a decade, he doesn’t mince words, and his tactics have been known to turn off some who may otherwise support him.

Dwyer made national headlines in March 2010 when he tried to bring impeachment charges against Maryland Attorney General Douglas Gansler after Gansler issued a legal opinion saying the state should recognize gay marriages performed elsewhere. Dwyer was unsuccessful, but he ruffled feathers again last February when he circulated a pamphlet to members of the legislature that included explicit descriptions of how to safely perform various gay sex acts, claiming that the pamphlet was distributed to middle- and high-school students in Massachusetts—a state which has allowed gay couples to marry since 2004—and published by the Massachusetts Department of Public Health. Dwyer warned that the pamphlet was a sign of things to come in Maryland if gay marriage was legalized.

But the story behind the pamphlet is more complicated than Dwyer admitted. The pamphlet was written by a Massachusetts-based AIDS awareness organization, and, while the Massachusetts Department of Public Health is thanked in the text’s acknowledgments, it’s not clear what assistance they provided. Also, contrary to Dwyer’s claims, the booklet was never distributed to public-school children en masse. According to news reports in Massachusetts, its presence at a Gay, Lesbian and Straight Education Network conference at a high school in April 2005 is what created a firestorm, ultimately leading then-governor Mitt Romney to issue a statement denying any state funds went into its production. The pamphlet’s distributors asserted it was intended for adults and that its presence at the event was a mistake.

Nevertheless, the pamphlet, Little Black Book: Queer in the 21st Century, seems to have made an impression. Dwyer says he was threatened with charges of distributing pornography by the State Ethics Commission. “I was kind of hoping they would [charge me], but they never did,” he says. He believes he won some votes with the infamous pamphlet.

Dwyer also slams Governor O’Malley, saying his support for the bill will amount to dirty tricks. While the Maryland Catholic Conference called O’Malley’s decision “regrettable” and warned of the moral and social impacts of redefining marriage, Dwyer was less diplomatic. “It means there will be bribes and there will be threats,” he says, suggesting that O’Malley will use underhanded tactics to push legislators to vote for the bill. There will, no doubt, be arm-twisting at the hands of Joseph Bryce, a highly respected and effective lobbyist who has served as chief legislative officer for two governors. O’Malley has put Bryce in charge of coordinating the new Marylanders for Marriage Equality coalition and shoring up the necessary votes for passage.

Dwyer and other opponents of gay marriage insist their stance comes down to children. “The issue is all about what’s taught in public schools in regards to homosexuality,” Dwyer says. Marriage is defined as a union between a man and a woman, he argues, and attempts to legalize gay marriage are really attempts to normalize an abnormal lifestyle.

Dwyer and other Republicans have been joined by some unlikely allies in their opposition. Whereas battles in the General Assembly often divide along party lines, Democrats with strong religious convictions or districts with large churchgoing populations have been adamant, and perhaps more importantly, organized, in their opposition to same-sex marriage.

Democratic Delegate Emmett Burns of Baltimore County, who is African-American and a minister, has criticized the gay-rights movement for comparing itself to the civil-rights movement. “Gays and lesbians have never been discriminated against like I’ve been discriminated against as a black man,” Burns has said. Burns cofounded Progressive Clergy and Laity in Action, aimed at swaying undecided legislators to vote against the gay-marriage bill.

Delegate Jill Carter, whose father, Walter Carter, was a key figure in Baltimore’s civil-rights movement, agrees with Burns that linking the two movements is wrong. “There’s no comparison between that struggle and this struggle,” she says, citing the long history of slavery and a fight for equality that persists to this day.

While gay activists admit the two movements are unique, they insist that there are correlations between the black and gay experiences in America. “We get into dangerous territory as oppressed groups when we start to say, ‘Your oppression isn’t like my oppression,’” warns Evans. “Those same people who feel a bit offended [by the comparison], I think also fail to acknowledge the oppression that LGBT people have faced.”

Evans is quick to point out where Maryland’s gay-marriage bill first began: with Prince George’s County Senator and civil- rights activist Gwendolyn Britt. Her civil- rights career began at the age of 18 when she and several other black students walked into a segregated Montgomery County amusement park and attempted to ride the merry-go-round, sparking a fevered backlash from white patrons. Had she not passed away in January 2008 at the age of 66, she would have been the first person to introduce same-sex marriage legislation in the state.

One thing seems certain: The gay-marriage bill will draw fierce debate in the 2012 legislative session. Indeed, Michael Busch called the debate over same-sex marriage last session “the most passionate” he had seen in his eight years as House Speaker.

One of the most memorable speeches during that session came from Mizeur, whose emotional plea that her colleagues vote for love left the chamber in silence. Speaking just after Thanksgiving, Mizeur, who is a practicing Catholic, echoes what she said on the House floor last March. “Marriage is about love,” she says. “It’s about a vow of commitment forever. It’s about sharing each other’s joys, dividing up responsibilities and shouldering each others’ pain.”

And even if this second fight for marriage equality proves unsuccessful, either in the legislature or at the ballot box, Mizeur says that what she shares with her wife, Deborah, and what countless other gay couples share across this state, will remain true. Says Mizeur, “No one can take our love away.”

http://www.baltimoremagazine.net/people/2012/01/gay-marriage-take-two

By David Moon, Maryland Juice, posted on January 2, 2012

In the first blog post of 2012, Maryland Juice is naming State Senator Allan Kittleman of Howard County our 2011 Marylander of the Year. The choice might not seem obvious, since I am a Democrat and Mr. Kittleman is a Republican. In fact, if he runs for higher office, I still hope a Democrat beats him. But here’s why he is Marylander of the Year….

In the era of the Tea Party, the GOP Senator from Maryland’s Ninth Legislative District was the only member of his party to support marriage equality when it passed the State Senate last year. But Mr. Kittleman is not Marylander of the Year just because he and I share the same position on a civil liberties issue — Senator Allan Kittleman is Marylander of the Year, because his quiet protest against his party’s angry position was a rare moment of civility in a nasty year of politics.

While Mr. Kittleman decided to vote in favor of marriage equality, most Republican officials were competing to see who could throw LGBT families the furthest under the bus. Last year, the The Washington Post’s John Wagner reported that Maryland GOP Chair Alex Mooney was putting the party’s muscle behind stopping marriage equality:

The Maryland Republican Party has stepped up its lobbying efforts on the biggest social issue of the legislative session — same-sex marriage — as the Senate prepares to begin debate next week.

In an “action alert” emailed Saturday to party members, state GOP Chairman Alex X. Mooney lists the names and numbers of nine senators he suggests are key to whether Maryland legalizes marriages between gay couples….

The final vote on the bill is expected to be very close….

Some Democrats have pointed out that Senator Kittleman may be politically rewarded for this “moderate stance” in a future run for Howard County Executive or other higher office. Even still, this vote did not come without consequence. Earlier this year, The Baltimore Sun’s Annie Linskey reported that Mr. Kittleman resigned as Minority leader and noted the following:

Senate GOP leader Allan Kittleman told his caucus this morning that he will step aside as minority leader, heeding concerns from other Republican senators who voiced discomfort over his decision to introduce a civil unions bill.

“I’m a social moderate and I wanted to stand up for what I believe in,” Kittleman, from Howard County, said in a brief interview this morning before going to the Senate floor. “It is more important for me to stay true to my beliefs than it is for me to be the Minority Leader,” he said.

Speaking on the Senate floor he it was “no secret” that he is left of his caucus on social issues. He said the caucus would “feel more comfortable” with a different leader.

Last March, WBAL noted one other consequence of Mr. Kittleman’s marriage equality position:

…the National Organization of Marriage is pledging $1 million to fight Maryland Republicans who support gay marriage and support Democrats who oppose the measure. The group plans to create NOM PAC Maryland and picked its first target: Sen. Allan Kittleman, R-Howard County, the only Republican to vote in favor of the same-sex marriage in the Senate.

The money — which is a large amount in a state where General Assembly races end up costing a couple hundred thousand dollars at most — hints at the looming national battle, which is set descend on Maryland. Local gay marriage opponents have said they have begun coordinating with national groups to start a petition drive necessary to put the issue on the ballot in 2012 if the gay marriage bill is signed into law.

Indeed, for those following state politics in 2011, it is clear that the marriage equality issue brought out the best and the worst in some of our officials. For example, Maryland Juice received the following anonymous Marylander of the Year nomination from a politico who followed state issues all year:

I nominate gay members of the House of Delegates: Regardless of where you stand on same-sex marriage, it is impossible to ignore the passion that went into the marriage debate during 2011 legislative session. On the final day of jockeying for support, gay members of the House stood up and one by one gave personal, impassioned pleas to their colleagues. The typically boisterous chamber fell silent as lawmakers seemed to actually listen as delegates like Luke Clippinger, Heather Mizeur and Anne Kaiser explained that they were “not less than.”  It’s not their identities or viewpoints, but their courage, that earns these folks the distinction.

My first campaign in Maryland was for State Senator Jamie Raskin. When I mentioned to him that I was thinking of picking his colleague, Sen. Kittleman as Marylander of the Year, he noted: “Allan Kittleman shows that, while the concept may just be empty rhetoric for a lot of Republicans today, the party of Lincoln lives for a few.”

This issue is set to return in the 2012 legislative session and may be on the ballot in November. No matter how it plays out, there will be numerous fascinating stories and consequences to explore throughout the year. Stay plugged in to Maryland Juice in 2012!

P.S. I have one final installment left in the Marylander of the Year series coming soon.
http://www.marylandjuice.com/2012/01/marylander-of-year-state-senator-allan.html

Candidates plan to maintain leadership positions

By Sarah Breitenbach, Staff Writer, Gazette.net, December 27, 2011

When the Maryland General Assembly convenes early next year, a handful of members will be campaigning while also legislating, a dynamic some say could hinder their work as lawmakers.

Larry E. Haines, a former senator from Westminster, said running for Congress, as several lawmakers have either committed to doing or say they are strongly considering, takes important time away from the State House.

“I don’t think legislators if they’re out campaigning during the session can be an effective legislator,” Haines said. “You have to put time in. You have to do the work. If you’re out campaigning, then you’re not effectively representing your constituents back home.”

Both Senate Majority Leader Robert J. Garagiola and House Minority Leader Anthony J. O’Donnell have announced campaigns for seats in the U.S. House of Representatives.

Sen. C. Anthony Muse (D-Dist. 26) of Fort Washington is scheduled to announce his campaign for the U.S. Senate in January. Sens. Nancy Jacobs (R-Dist. 34) of Abingdon and David Brinkley (R-Dist. 4) of New Market have both announced exploratory committees for congressional seats.

Sen. Alan Kittleman (R-Dist. 9) of West Friendship, who has led Senate Republicans in the past, said focusing on a campaign for higher office while managing a caucus of lawmakers could prove difficult.

“Leadership takes a lot of time to do it well and a lot of responsibility, and to me I can’t imagine being the leader and running for Congress,” Kittleman said. “You’re going to be running all over the place trying to get people to support you, but you’re also going to be in session.”

Both O’Donnell (R-Dist. 29C) of Lusby and Garagiola (D-Dist. 15) of Germantown have said they do not intend to step down from their leadership roles to focus on their congressional campaigns.

In 2008, while both were in the legislature, Sen. E.J. Pipkin (R-Dist. 36) of Elkton and Rep. Andrew P. Harris (R-Dist.1) of Cockeysville squared off in primary campaign for the congressional seat Harris now holds.

Although the upcoming congressional primary is April 3, the primary in 2008 was in February. Even with the earlier date, the election did not cause much strife within the Republican caucus, lawmakers recalled.

The February date meant the primary fight was in lawmakers’ rear-view mirror for much of the session; even so, observers said the later date next year should not make all that much difference.

“I don’t remember very often, if any, tense words or any controversy in our caucus meetings,” Kittleman said of the 2008 primary. “But I can also tell you that we were all very aware of it.”

Former Sen. J. Lowell Stoltzfus, who also was in the Senate at the time, said the contest did not prevent lawmakers from doing their work in the General Assembly.

He predicts the nature of primary battles in 2012 will be similar.

“I think things will continue to get done,” said Stoltzfus of Westover. “I don’t think the work of the people will suffer, and there will be some good-natured ribbing back and forth, but anyone who is doing the ribbing understands politics.”

Del. Justin R. Ready (R-Dist. 5A) of Westminster, who served on Pipkin’s legislative staff in the 2008 session, said campaigns for higher office can alter the tenor of the legislative session.

“I think probably things get a little more on edge, but, hopefully, people just do their jobs,” he said.

sbreitenbach@gazette.net

http://www.gazette.net/article/20111227/NEWS/712279997/1124/congressional-campaigns-could-impact-tenor-of-legislative-session&template=gazette

Friday, December 23, 2011; Gazette.Net by Laslo Boyd

2011 was definitely not all that great a year. The national scene was dominated by the still-sputtering and unrecovered economy and by politics that should have, but didn’t, embarrass all those involved in it.

We learned in this past year that what happens in Greece doesn’t necessarily stay in Greece, but impacts the U.S. economy as well. We also had clear evidence that neither economists nor politicians have any sure answers as to how to deal with high unemployment in an age where the old assumptions no longer seem applicable. And, perhaps most painful of all, we are discovering that our domination of the world economy, which many have taken as a national entitlement, is seriously in jeopardy.

The inability of our political system to deal with major challenges, including the economy, is an even more serious long-term problem. Observers have had a field day trying to come up with the most apt metaphors for the train wreck that is Congress, and the public has clearly concluded that the members of that once-august institution have lost any claim to respect. Posturing, finger-pointing, stunning reversals of position and mindless opposition to anything that President Obama favors have taken the place of any serious efforts at policymaking.

Given that 2012 is an election year, the prospect for even more dysfunctional politics in the year ahead seems very real. And, of course, we are witnessing in this year’s Republican presidential nominating process the first one that has its own theme song: “Send in the Clowns.”

The state of the economy has been the single most important factor in the condition of Maryland during this past year. Unemployment, lower than the national average, is still high compared with what we are used to. And the likelihood of significant federal budget cuts runs the risk of further damaging an economy that for so long has seemed immune to the down cycles that impact most states.

On the whole, however, politics in Maryland, with one major exception, have been relatively normal. Gov. O’Malley, using the considerable constitutional powers given to him, has worked with the large Democratic majorities in the General Assembly to try to preserve government programs in the face of severe budget pressures. The year 2012 looks like it will have a more ambitious legislative policy agenda, even as the fiscal strains are largely unabated.

And as is usually the case, the Republican Party in Maryland has been largely irrelevant. Republican legislative leaders provided pro forma and predictable responses to Democratic initiatives without offering serious alternatives. The most interesting development on the Republican side this past year was the decision of Senate Minority Leader Allan Kittleman to resign his leadership position and to come out in support of the marriage equality bill.

The sharpest deviation from political normalcy in 2011 were the three high-profile trials involving major political figures. Just as some states have taken comfort in pointing out that their education statistics were better than Mississippi’s, we can take solace in the fact that four recent Illinois governors have been sent to jail. Other than that comparison, however, the three trials did not show Maryland at its best.

All three showed incredibly disturbing aspects of political life in Maryland, even if you can’t really generalize from any of them individually. Jack Johnson, the former Prince George’s county executive, engaged in a sustained and systematic program of selling government approvals to enrich himself. What’s most depressing about the Johnson case is that he was re-elected in 2006 and served eight years. His corruption makes that of former Illinois governor Rod Blagojevich seem almost petty by comparison.

State Sen. Ulysses Currie was acquitted of the charges brought against him using a defense that ended up demeaning both him and the state Senate. If the criteria for being chosen to head the most powerful committee in the state legislature include being disorganized and not very smart, we’re in more trouble than many of us had thought. The only catch is that you would not use those adjectives to describe most other committee chairs.

The last trial, over the infamous robo-calls sent on Election Day by the Ehrlich campaign, also provoked serious head-scratching. The calls themselves had no chance of being successful, and you almost wonder why the “Currie defense” wasn’t used in that trial as well. We may know more after the robo-call, Part 2, trial of Julius Henson is concluded.

Some have argued a free speech defense of the robo-calls. Whether you accept that argument or not, the idea that someone would deliberately try to disenfranchise voters should outrage people of all political philosophies.

It would be terrific if we could look ahead and say with confidence that 2012 looks like a much more promising year. Sadly, the early signs are not encouraging.

Laslo Boyd does consulting in higher education, public policy and politics. His email address is lvboyd@gmail.com.

http://www.gazette.net/article/20111223/OPINION/712239937/1014/laslo-boyd-a-year-of-trials-and-tribulation&template=gazette

Newly redrawn District 9A, similar to County Council swing district

Both Democrats and Republicans in Howard County believe they have a chance to win a new seat in the House of Delegates proposed for the area around Ellicott City.

The added seat comes as part of a state legislative redistricting map put forth this month by a panel appointed by Gov. Martin O’Malley, and would mirror Howard’s most competitive County Council district — won in a tight race last year by Democrat Courtney Watson.

“I think the map gives us some excellent opportunities,” said Howard’s Democratic Central Committee Chair, Michael C.A. McPherson.

But Republicans say the added seat could be a benefit to them, as that area has also produced Republican council members, such as Christopher B. Merdon, who served two terms before Watson. And in the last council election, Watson defeated Republican Robert L. Flanagan by a relatively narrow 5.5 percentage points.

“If you look across the state, it’s bad,” said Loretta Shields, chair of the Howard County Republican Central Committee. But she added, that the map “could be a benefit for Republicans in Howard.”

Under the plan submitted by the five-member redistricting advisory committee last week, another delegate’s seat in Howard would be added to a newly drawn legislative District 9A. The current District 9A encompasses the western part of the county and parts of Carroll County.

The new map would also combine Districts 12A and 12B, which cover Howard and Baltimore counties, creating an at-large election for those three delegates, including Howard County Del. Elizabeth Bobo. Bobo’s current District 12B does not extend beyond Columbia, but under the new map, she and Baltimore County Democrats Steven J. DeBoy Sr. and James E. Malone Jr. would have to run elections across county lines.

Redistricting occurs after each federal census in order to keep districts roughly equal in population. The new map will be considered by the General Assembly in the legislative session that starts in January. The final version would be in place for the 2014, 2018 and 2022 elections.

In addition to shifting District 9A east, the proposed map would shift District 9B from Carroll County into western Howard.

“The new map gives the Democratic Party an excellent opportunity in 9A and also 9B,” McPherson said, adding the area around Ellicott City has produced Democrats, such as Watson.

Shields noted that the current District 9A in Howard is represented entirely by Republicans: Del. Gail H. Bates, Del. Warren E. Miller and Sen. Allan H. Kittleman.

While Miller agreed the adjustment would not affect his party much, he argued that “there’s not a need for a single 9A District,” saying it should be an at-large district, as District 12 would be under the plan.

Kittleman said he did not believe the changes would hurt Republicans in his district, as the plan would add several precincts from District 13 in the south. Those include Fulton and Highland, which are represented by the County Council’s only Republican, Greg Fox.

While his district would not be affected much, he said, the map is “reckless and irresponsible.”

He said he believes the newly drawn District 9A was drawn to accommodate a run for delegate by Watson, who has been mentioned as a possible contender for county executive. Del. Guy Guzzone is also considered a likely candidate.

“It certainly looks like it was drawn for Councilwoman Watson. If not, it’s somewhat easier for a Democrat,” he said. “Nobody is really disputing that.”

Watson said however, “My interest is on a local level,” adding “I will not be pursuing a delegate position at this point.”

She declined to say if she will run for county executive.

“Right now, I’m really focused on the County Council,” she said. “There’s so much work to be done in my job now.”

While Bates said she too believed the new boundaries of District 9A were drawn for Watson or another Democrat, she added, “It still has potential for Republicans.”

In addition to District 9A and 9B, Shields, the Republican Central Committee chairwoman, said she thought Republicans could pick up another House seat in District 12.

While Bobo’s district tends to be more liberal, Shields said the change could provide an opening for a Republican candidate, since the southwestern Baltimore County District 12A tends to lean conservative.

“I’d love to pick up another delegate seat,” she said, adding that the central committee will begin seeking out potential candidates for the next election, though she said she has no one specific in mind.

“I don’t think it’s going to be a cakewalk” for Democrats, she said of the new plan in Howard.

While Republicans might be eyeing Bobo’s seat, the Columbia delegate said she would not be deterred by running a campaign across two counties.

“It does not discourage me,” Bobo said. But she said it would affect how a campaign would have to be run.

And while she said her own district is pretty liberal compared with the Baltimore County side, she said, “There have been times where I have been the only Democrat voting with the Republicans on an issue.”

She said, “I don’t shy away from hard work and controversial things,” though she declined to say whether she has any plans to run in the next election.

In addition to becoming an at-large district, the 12th could gain some Columbia precincts.

“I’d pick up new precincts in east Columbia I’ve never represented,” said Sen. Edward J. Kasemeyer, a Democrat. “It’s not too drastic of a change, pretty good for me,” he said.

jkanderson@baltsun.com

http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/maryland/howard/bs-ho-legislative-redistricting-20111221,0,4900218,full.story